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Biafra News Team Tuesday, 4 April 2017 0

IPOB PRESS STATEMENT

Date: 04/04/2017

With Justice Binta Nyako's determination on the mode of trial for the leader of IPOB Mazi Nnamdi Kanu coming up on the 6th of April 2017 at the Federal High Court 4 in Abuja, we the members of IPOB would like to place the judicial establishment of Nigeria on notice that the integrity of its entire legal machinery hinges on the outcome of this ruling.

It is therefore prudent to remind Justice Nyako and the entire Nigerian public and the world at large that there are existing legal interpretations of the provisions of the constitution of Nigeria regarding the mode of criminal trials in civil courts which cannot be departed from and we quote:

“The provision dealing with fair hearing under section 36 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria is for the protection of all the parties to a case the plaintiffs and the defendants alike. It will be oppressive to interpret the provision as conferring a protection on just one of the parties to a case.”
Per Oguntade, J.S.C. in Banna v. Telepower Nigeria Ltd. (2006) 7 SCNJ 182 2283

It is no longer news that on the 13th day of December, 2016, the Federal High Court of Nigeria, Abuja Division, presided over by the Honourable Justice Binta Nyako, delivered a ruling in an application brought by the Federal Republic of Nigeria pursuant to section 232 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act and section 34 of Terrorism (Prevention) (Amendment) Act, 2013.

The Prosecutor’s application, in the main, sought for the “protection” of the prosecutor’s witnesses who are said to be security operatives. The security operatives (witnesses) are seeking this protection to enable them testify in secret against no less a person than the Worldwide Leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and his co-defendants who were at the time facing various criminal charges verging essentially on treasonable felony, conspiracy to commit treasonable felony and only one person, the second defendant, answering to a minor terrorism charge. It is sufficient to quickly state that at no time during the course of this trial has Mazi Nnamdi Kanu ever been charged with terrorism. Needless to say  that the prosecutor’s application was quickly and unconstitutionally  granted by Justice Nyako.

WE ASK, WAS JUSTICE NYAKO RIGHT?

There has never been any contention or dispute as to the sanctity of the imperishable right of an accused person to be tried in an open court with the public in attendance under Nigeria’s criminal jurisprudence. This uncontested right of a defendant in a criminal trial is indeed inviolate and immutable and admits of no derogation.

There is no arguing the point that the amended 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is the fountain and foundation of Nigeria’s criminal justice administration. By its section 36, public /open trial of persons accused of criminal charges is irrefragably ordained. Indeed, it is the bedrock of the criminal justice system in Nigeria that all persons are equal before the law and are therefore peremptorily entitled to the equal protection of the law. The practice of Justice Binta Nyako eagerly seeking to defend the stance of the prosecution especially regarding the masking of witnesses, runs contrary to spirit and letter of the law.


True indeed, the Terrorism (prevention) (amendment) Act, 2013, by its section 34, provides for the protection of the witnesses in trials of terrorism-related offences. Equally true is the fact that the second defendant only had terrorism count in his charge sheet not Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and the other two accused persons. This provided the springboard for the prosecution to successfully apply for the Court to protect its witnesses. No doubt, the ruling of Justice Binta Nyako granting the prosecutor’s application was equally impelled by the terrorism charge preferred against Chidiebere Onwudiwe and not the IPOB Leader, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and two other co-defendants. It is instructive to note that  Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, Benjamin Madubugwu and David Nwawuisi never had any element of terrorism in their charge sheets. The question becomes, why would Justice Binta Nyako seek to impose a mode of trial reserved for terrorism cases on Mazi Nnamdi Kanu who is NOT answering to any terrorism charge?

Interestingly, it is most sufficient to note that the IPOB Leader, through his lead Counsel, robustly challenged the validity of the charges preferred by the prosecutor against the Defendants. It is noteworthy that on the 1st day of March, 2017, Hon. Justice Nyako saw reasons in the forceful contention of the IPOB Leader and consequently quashed six out of the eleven count charges against the IPOB Leader and others, affirming that there is no prima facie evidence to sustain the spurious charges against the defendants. Chief among the charges quashed by the court is that same terrorism charge against the 2nd defendant Chidiebere Onwudiwe. Based on the prevailing circumstances, the prosecutor amended the charge to reflect the severance of the spurious counts rightly quashed by the court. Consequently, the defendants were re-arraigned on the amended charge.

It therefore stands to reason that the same court which ruled in favour of protecting the prosecutor’s witnesses based on the terrorism charge brought against Chidiebere Onwudiwe only, would now make haste to vacate the said ruling since the terrorism charge which impelled the prosecutor to table the application before the court is now no more. Not vacating that earlier ruling would definitely give the court away as a Kangaroo tribunal reminiscent of the darkest days of military dictatorships.

We hasten to reiterate that the constitutional right of an accused person to be tried in public is unquestionably unassailable and must never, under any circumstances, be abridged or asphyxiated by Justice Binta Nyako's court. We make bold to say that secret trial in whatever form or guise, under the Nigerian criminal jurisprudence, has no constitutional foundation. It is an anathema in every democracy worth its name. What Justice Nyako is attempting to do is to cloth justice in darkness thereby turning her court into a Kangaroo court. The Nigerian Supreme Court has severally warned against this bizarre method.

Justice Nyako should be advised by the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court to heed this:
“The moment a court ceases to do justice in accordance with the law and procedure laid down for it, it ceases to be a regular court to become a kangaroo court.
The reason for all this is that in the end where procedure is ignored justice is usually at a loss; judiciary, in its image, is worsted in the encounter; and the general public for whom the entire drama was meant to serve ends up with a low opinion of the Judiciary. Experience and the test of time have shown that justice has never profited from eccentric or bizarre methods and that painstaking procedural mode have always satisfied the more, the yearning desires of a just society.”
See: BAKARE v. APENA & ORS (1986) NWLR (PT.33) 1

In fact, the Supreme Court was more emphatic when it handed down this warning which we hereby commend to Justice Nyako:
"A Judge will not adopt a method of adjudication, alien to procedural rules of justice upon a plea that he is actuated by the noblest and an impassioned zeal for justice, which propels him into bizarre methods of arriving at that justice, holding as it were, as a justifying Machiavellian principle, that the end justifies the means."
See equally: Alhaji Raimi Edun v. Odan Community (1980) 8-11 S.C. 103

Justice Nyako must draw very hard lessons from history to avoid the pitfalls of the past especially that of prejudice and sentiments in the handling of this extremely sensitive matter before her which has all the potency of making or marring her judicial career.

In signing off this press release, we deem it exigent to graciously put at the disposal of Justice Nyako the immortal and timely dictum of OGUNTADE, J.S.C. in INAKOJU V. ADELEKE (2007) 4 NWLR (pt. 1025) 423 where the erudite justice of the Supreme Court lucidly stated that;
“A Court…must not convey the impression that its judgment is being directed by a desire to heed private or public sentiments. In Onyiah v. Onyia (1989) 1 NWLR (Pt.99) 514 at 532, this Court per Obaseki J.S.C. said that sentiments have no place in the adjudication system. It is in my view that the most unrewarding assignment a Judge could undertake if it tried to give judgment as would please a section of the public. It is like a house built on sand which soon disappears with the approach of the rain. It is argued that even if a judgment is wrong, it is acceptable for as long as it is to public good. That clearly is a fallacy. Public good lies in giving a judgment in accordance with the Constitution of Nigeria and other relevant laws. Public good is an ever- changing phenomenon.”

As 6th April, 2017 draws near for Justice Nyako to rule on the application brought by the IPOB Leader for the court to vacate its earlier ruling on the protection of witnesses, it is hoped that Justice Binta Nyako would not “convey the impression that her ruling is being directed by a desire to heed private or public sentiments”. That, surely, will not promote public good. On the contrary, rather, it would promote anarchy. Public good lies in giving a judgment in accordance with the Constitution of Nigeria which Justice Nyako is under judicial oath to promote and defend without fear or favour, affection or ill will.

Signed:

Dr. Ikenna Chinaka
Mrs Grace Ukpai


IPOB SPOKESPERSONS
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Biafra News Team Monday, 13 March 2017 0

Executive Summary:

Introduction: This Special Report (Welcome to Bleeding Republic of Nigeria: A Land Flowing with Blood  and Tears) is a compilation of widespread human rights abuses in Nigeria in the past 20 months of the  four-year tenure of the central Government of Retired Major Gen Muhammadu Buhari; covering 1st  June 2015 to 31st January 2017. The Report is majorly focused on Civil and Political Rights; which is one of the four internationally existing generations of human rights. These fundamental liberties include citizens’ constitutional and legal rights as well as regional and international rights provided in Sections 33-46 of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution and several regional and international legal and rights instruments or treaties accepted and assented to by the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

The Civil and Political Rights are also regarded by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 amended in 2011 as living rights or justiciable; which legally and constitutionally means that they are governmentally observable, protectable and enforceable, and can be compensated in the event of their breaches. This is by virtue of Section 46 of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution. Those holding judicial, executive and legislative offices in Nigeria are also mandatorily required in Section 13 of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution to conform to, observe and apply these constitutional liberties in discharge of their constitutional duties.

President M. Buhari’s military background and his grossly poor human rights antecedents including 20 months of his maximum military rulership (January 1984-August 1985) was critically assessed and compared with past 20 months of his present civilian Presidency in Nigeria.

Research Methodology: This Special Report was compiled by the Research Team of International Society for Civil Liberties and the Rule of Law headed by Emeka Umeagbalasi-a Criminologist & Graduate of Security Studies with post graduate expertise in Peace & Conflict Studies. It was largely built on previous reports on security and human rights issues in Nigeria; issued by respected international rights organizations and research institutions such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the Committee for the Protection of Journalists (CPJ), the Global Terrorism Index of the Institute for Economics and Peace; and the (Christian) Open Doors International, among others. Those reports were technically aggregated, congregated, studied and updated in this Special Report.

The Special Report was further built on previous publications of Intersociety and credible media reports on the subject matter by leading local and international print and web media. Intersociety also gathered reliable data and information from leading victim-groups such as IPOB, Shiite Muslim sect and the authorities of the ECWA Church and the Catholic Archdiocese of Kafanchan in Kaduna, etc. Data gathered were independently verified.

We also conducted series of interviews with accompanied legal certifications from members of some dead victims’ families and the shot and wounded victims or survivors. All the photos used in the photo segment of this Report were carefully verified and traced to the crime victims, crime scenes and crime perpetrators. In all, it is a hybrid based Special Report.

Various citizens’ constitutional and legal rights and safeguards in Nigeria as well as their regional and international counterparts which the Federal Republic of Nigeria willingly assented to and accepted to be bound by, were also studied and applied in the course of this Special Report. Pieces of useful information from security establishments and other agencies of the Government of Nigeria available at open sources were considered as well.

Executive Summary:  Welcome To Bleeding Republic of Nigeria: A Land Flowing With Blood & Tears; is a compilation of the State of Widespread Rights Abuses covering the past 20 months of the central civilian Government of Retired Major Gen Muhammadu Buhari or from 1st June 2015 to 31st January 2017. The present central Government of Nigeria headed by Retired Major Gen Muhammadu Buhari was elected and sworn in on 29th May 2015 for a four-year term (May 29th 2015-May 29th 2019).

The Special Report is saddening but unique in that it found that regime atrocities, abuse of office and gross contempt for constitutionalism and human rights principles; which were widespread in 20 months of Major Gen Muhammadu Buhari (as he then was) military’s inglorious epoch or from January 1984-August 1985; have also become widespread in the past 20 months of his current civilian Presidency or from 1st June 2015- 31st January 2017.

Of the existing four generations of human rights locally and internationally, the civil and political rights; constitutionally tagged living rights or justiciable are the worst violated by the current civilian Presidency of Muhammadu Buhari. Our Report, which is divided into text and photo segments, empirically found that average of 550 defenceless and unarmed citizens were slaughtered, butchered or shot dead in each of the past 20 months of the Buhari’s civilian Presidency covering June 2015 to January 2017.

A total of over 11,000 criminal or unlawful deaths were also recorded in the said past 20 months. This is the highest in the history of democratic Nigeria; particularly under a non war situation. The most shocking part of it is that the central Government of Retired Major Gen Muhammadu Buhari and its security agencies particularly the Army, Police and Air Force are collectively responsible for about 52% or over 5700 while the Nomad Fulani and the Boko Haram terrorists accounted for the remaining 48% or over 5300 others.

Over 2000 Christian lives were also lost to Nomad Fulani Jihadists in Nigeria in 2016 alone, with at least 850 killed in Southern Kaduna while over 1200 others took place in Benue, Enugu, Taraba, Nasarawa and Plateau States, etc. Over 800 criminal deaths associated with killing of Christians took place in the last six months of 2015. Even the Buhari Administration through its National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) and its Kaduna State counterpart-SEMA, had on their part, claimed that 376 persons were killed in Southern Kaduna between May and December 2016. They also labelled the killing of Christians by untouchable Nomad Fulani Jihadists as “communal clashes”.

In January 2017 alone, over 350 defenceless citizens lost their lives to wilful air bombing by the Nigerian Air Force, Pro Trump Rally killing by Nigerian Army and Nomad Fulani and Boko Haram Jihadism. The Buhari Administration’s warped report with mangled figures on Southern Kaduna Christian butcheries is contained here: http://www.dailytrust.com.ng/news/general/376-killed-in-southern-kaduna-in-6-months-report/183924.html.

Through custodial killings arising from torture and wilful custodial shootings, not less than 4000 criminal deaths may most likely have been recorded in the hands of Police SARS, SCIDs and the Army across the country in the said past 20 months; on average of 200 per month or six per State monthly. A clear case of custodial killings in Nigeria was the Ezu River saga of 19th  January 2013 in Anambra State of Nigeria where between 30 and 40 lifeless bodies strongly believed to be victims of Anambra State Police SARS extra judicial executions were found floating in Ezu River.

Another newest case is contained in the recent Amnesty International Special Report for 2016/7 in which it found that “not less than 240 civilians including 29 children and babies, aged between new born and five years, died in 2016 in the Nigerian Army detention custody at the Giwa Military Barracks in Maiduguri, Borno State and were secretly buried in Maiduguri’s cemetery by the Borno State Environmental Protection Agency staff”. Reference:http://sunnewsonline.com/29-children-211-others-die-in-military-cells-in-nigeria-amnesty/

Yet another case in point was the recent arrest of six operatives of the Special Anti Robbery Squad (SARS) of the Anambra State Police Command at Awkuzu: namely- Adolphosus Dimgba, Gabriel Imafidon, Chukwudili Oyenka, Pat Amadike, Usman Bala Hamza, Theodore Igiede and Amechi Ebere Okonkwo. The torture and murder culprits were arrested on IGP’s order for torture and murder in custody of Citizen Ejike Bob-Manuel on 16th February 2016. The deceased was arrested, detained, tortured and murdered in captivity following a business dispute with the mastermind, Mr. Jerome Aghachukwu; leading to a petition written to Nigeria Police Headquarters by the Joint Legal Action Aids (JLAA) led by Barr Kingsley Ughe.

The Nigerian Army, the Nigeria Police Force and the Nigerian Air Force and their chiefs and commander-in-chief; on the other hand, are collectively, vicariously and individually responsible for the State murder of at least 1750 unarmed and defenceless citizens between 30th August 2015 and 31st January 2017 including the Rann IDP bombing by the Nigerian Air Force that killed at least 236 defenceless citizens on 17th January 2017. These State killings did not include 240 persons including 29 children and babies that died in the custody of the Nigerian Army in 2016 in Borno State, as exclusively reported by Amnesty International. When added, the number of State murders under the Buhari Administration in the said past 20 months will be 1990 deaths.

Other documented State murders contained in this Special Report are the mass killing of 1120 defenceless Shiite Muslims and massacre of at least 270 unarmed Pro Biafra Campaigners in the periods between August 2015 and January 2017 including 15-20 unarmed citizens or more killed at the Pro Trump Solidarity Rally on 20th January 2017. Over 870 members and supporters of IPOB and Shiite Muslim sect were also terminally shot and wounded by Nigerian security forces in the said past 20 months.

Three genocides (i.e. mass killing in droves of unarmed and defenceless members of a particular ethnic or religious group whether in war or non war situations) and two war crimes have also been recorded in the past 20 months of the Buhari Government or between June 2015 and January 2017. They are Shiite Muslim Procession Genocide, Pro Biafra Campaign Genocide and Southern Kaduna Christian Genocide; as well as two war crimes involving the Rann IDP Bombing and the Maiduguri Giwa Military Barracks Custody Killing of 240 Civilians (including 29 children and babies).
The number of citizens arrested and dumped into several months of detention without trial in the past 20 months of the Buhari’s Government is also alarming and shocking. The authorities of SSS are substantially responsible for this aspect of gross abuse of the citizens’ constitutional and legal rights; likewise muzzling of press freedoms and democratic free speeches and reckless disobedience to court orders and other judicial pronouncements. Incidences of harassment and intimidation of independent journalists and bloggers have also gone viral in the past 20 months of the Buhari Government in Nigeria. In all, the state of human rights violations under the Buhari civilian Government is horribly and alarmingly widespread.

Recommendations:

1. International Society for Civil Liberties and the Rule of Law (Intersociety), is calling on the    central civilian Government of Retired Major Gen Muhammadu Buhari/Federal Government of Nigeria to end the senseless and wicked massacre by both security forces and armed opposition groups particularly the Nomad Fulani and Boko Haram Jihadists of unarmed and defenceless citizens individually and massively, as well as other forms of regime atrocities that had pervaded the Buhari Administration in the past 20 months. There should also be total policy reversal including unconditional release of all political detainees and end to policy of militarism and militarization.

2.  The Buhari Administration/Federal Government of Nigeria should set aside $5Bliion for adequate compensation of over 1750 victims of State murders and 4000 victims of Police SARS/Army custodial killings as well as not less than 2800 unarmed Christians killed by Nomad Fulani Jihadists between June 2015 and January 2017.

The $5Billion State Crime Victims Compensation Scheme, which will be subject to 50% upward review every five years if unpaid; should be divided into four categories of: $1Billion to members or families and group-victims (IPOB) of over 270 slain members of IPOB and other Pro Biafra Campaigners; $500Million to over 370 terminally shot and injured Pro Biafra Campaigners; $1.5Billion to 1120 slain members of the Shiite Muslims and their IMN as well as  $500Million for 400 of their members terminally shot and wounded.

The sum of $500Million should be set aside by the Buhari Government/Federal Government of Nigeria through its Ministry of Police Affairs for compensation of 4000 victims who may most likely have been slain in the past 20 months, by way of custodial killings arising from torture and wilful custodial shootings. This should be done on the basis of proper identification of dead victims by their immediate families and lawyers. The remaining $1Billion should be paid by the Buhari Government to the families and the churches of over 2800 dead Christians who are victims of the Nomad Fulani Jihadism in Nigeria since June 2015.

This is on account of the Buhari Government’s vicarious culpability, by way of aiding and abetting. As the national grand patron of “the Miyatti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria”, President Muhammadu Buhari appeared to have allowed personal sentiments to becloud his official position as the father of the country and protector of every citizen irrespective of his or her ethno-religious and age background or identity. Till date, no investigations into the killing of Christians have been carried out and concluded and the perpetrators are still on the prowl.

3. The Buhari Government/Federal Government of Nigeria must arrest and prosecute all the perpetrators of the above mentioned heinous crimes perpetrated between June 2015 and January 2017. Those to be arrested and prosecuted include the current Army Chief of Staff, the former IGP of Police (August 2015-May 2016), the current IGP of Police, the Chief of Air Staff, the Chief of Defence Staff,  the GOC 82nd Division of the Nigerian Army, Enugu (from August 2015 to May 2016); the Commanders of 302 Artillery Regiment, Onitsha, 144 Battalion of the Nigerian Army, Aba (August 2015 to May 2016 or till date) and current Commander of the 6th Division of the Nigerian Army, Port Harcourt; as well as Major M.I. Ibrahim of the Nigerian Military Police, who militarily led the May 29th and 30th Biafra Heroes Day massacre in Nkpor, Onitsha and Asaba.

Others are Commissioners of Police of Anambra and Abia States (August 2015 to May 2016), the Aba Area Commander (between January and February 2016), the Deputy Commissioner of Police for Operations in Anambra State between December 2015 to May 2016 (now CP Johnson Babatunde Kokomo), etc; as well as the present Governors of Anambra, Abia and Kaduna States(for aiding the State security agencies and criminal entities in the mass killing of unarmed and innocent Pro Biafra Campaigners and Christian/Shiite faithful; respectively in their States).

The principal officers of the “Miyatti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria” should be arrested and charged for manslaughter as well as immediate proscription of the registered organization and presidential declaration of same as a terrorist organization. Where the Buhari Government/Federal Government of Nigeria fails in 90 days to bring to justice the above mentioned public office holders and their sub commanders and foot perpetrators, as well as named non State actor perpetrators; then the international community and other international non State actors particularly the ICC, the UN Security Council and African regional criminal courts, etc should act without further delays in accordance with the International Law’s Principles of Complementarity and No Impunity.

These can be done through establishment of the UN Special Criminal Court for Nigeria or through ICC or African Special Criminal Court for Nigeria or foreign countries’ municipal courts with international criminal and civil jurisdictions. Those covered by local constitutional immunities by virtue of their present political offices such as the perpetrator-President of Nigeria and the three named serving Governors should be internationally investigated and prosecuted for genocide or war crimes or crimes against humanity or community of same.

4.  The UK and other members of the European Union; the USA, Russia, Canada, Japan, China, Brazil and India should raise a serious concern about gross or widespread rights abuses in Nigeria particularly the mass killing of unarmed and defenceless civilians by the Government of Retired Major Gen Muhammadu Buhari and its security forces as well as aiding and abetting of the mass killing of Christians and perpetration of other forms of regime atrocities.

Beyond raising serious diplomatic concerns, the leaders of the countries under reference should also consider placing travelling ban on those named serving public office holders including the immediate past Inspector General of Police as well as other serving political appointees who are complicit. Placing embargo on supply of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALWs) used by the Buhari Government to perpetrate the widespread rights abuses and other regime atrocities should also be seriously considered by leaders of the named countries; likewise tying the release of $672mIllion recently pledged at Oslo Summit for humanitarian assistance in the insurgency infested Northeast to mandatory arrest and prosecution of all those mentioned. The redemption of the humanitarian pledge by world leaders to the Government of Nigeria must also be tied to the payment of $5Billion compensations by Government of Nigeria to immediate families and associates of the State and its surrogates’ crime victims under reference.

5.  The Government of Muhammadu Buhari/Federal Government of Nigeria should re-organize and restructure Nigeria’s security establishments and their headships and revert to the constitutional geopolitical equity and fairness in accordance with Section 14 (3) of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution. To this effect, there shall be mass sack of the present heads and strategic commanding officers of the Nigerian Armed Forces including the Army, SSS and the Police so as to rid them of their present gross lopsidedness and northern Muslim grips and dominations; which have brought about the present grossly lopsided citizens’ policing representation and protection along divisive ethno-religious lines. 

Signed:
For: International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law (Intersociety)
·         Emeka Umeagbalasi (Criminologist & Graduate of Security Studies)
 Board Chairman
 Mobile Line: +2348174090052
 Email: emekaumeagbalasi69@gmail.com

·          Obianuju Joy Igboeli, Esq., LLB, BL
Head, Civil Liberties & Rule of Law Program
Mobile Line: + 2348180771506

·         Chinwe Umeche, Esq., LLB, BL
Head, Democracy & Good Governance Program
Mobile Line: +2347013238673

·         Grace Amarachi, Esq., LLB, BL
Head, Public Security & Safety Advocacy Program
 Mobile Line: +2348130821493

·         Ndidiamaka C. Bernard, Esq., LLB, BL
Head, Int’l Justice & Human Rights Program
Mobile Line: +2348067557308


















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Biafra News Team Sunday, 12 March 2017 0

(Intersociety, Onitsha Nigeria: 9th March 2017)-The gross rights abuses in the past 21 months of the ailing Buhari’s Government of Nigeria can never be investigated by the same perpetrators of the heinous crimes (i.e. Nigerian Army and its COAS: Tukur Yusuf Buratai, etc). Any so called special investigation panel set up by the Nigerian Army is manifestly a kangaroo and totally rejected. As a matter of fact, the Nigerian Army should be barred from meddling into investigations associated with same; except its right to be heard. There shall be proper criminal investigation and punitive measures against Buratai and Company; followed by an unbiased and balanced Special Judicial Commission of Enquiry set up by the Government of Nigeria, for the purpose of victims’ remedies or compensatory justice and serious administrative reprimands-Emeka Umeagbalasi-Criminologist & Graduate of Security Studies; and Board Chairman of Intersociety.
The forgoing represents the key stand of the leadership of International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law. That is to say that the Nigerian Army’s latest special panel to investigate itself concerning its basket-load of gross rights abuses in the country is not only a kangaroo, but also panicky, escapist and totally unacceptable. It is also a grave affront to the two famous rule of law principles of nemo judex in causa sua (no one should not be a judge in his/her own case or cause) and audi alteram partem(let the other side be heard or no one should be condemned unheard).

It is on indisputable record that the Nigerian Army including its Chief of Staff, Lt Gen Tukur Buratai; is responsible for over 70% of the gross rights abuses including custodial deaths, terminal wounding, grave torture, enforced disappearance, illegal detentions, mass shooting and killing of unarmed and defenseless ethnic and religious activists and mass killing of civilians or non combatants in conflict zones. Others grossly anti human rights and anti constitutional conducts of the Nigerian Army are violent conducts by way of physical threats and psychological intimidations; ethnic cleansing, ethno-religious bias, undermining of constitutional liberties, promotion and escalation of policy of militarization and encouragement of citizens’ militancy and radicalization as well as fueling the rapid and uncontrollable inflow of illicit Small Arms & Light Weapons (SALWs) in wrong or recalcitrant hands particularly in the Northeast and Niger Delta regions.

Apart from the foregoing, our forensic look at the so called “Eight-Man Military Panel of Investigation”, its composition and highly restricted terms of reference; clearly shows that the kangaroo panel is not only an exonerative panel, but also evidence cleanser and a fire brigade approach. When a similar panel was set up in March 2016 by Nigerian Army and its COAS through its Provost Marshall; it was mired in obvious conflict of interest and lack of moral compass. As expected, its investigation was dead on arrival. To make the matter worse, 13 slain bodies of IPOB members strongly suspected to have been killed and dumped inside an Aba burrow pit by the 144 Battalion of the Nigerian Army in the area; were suspiciously set ablaze by the culprit State agents, for the purpose of erasing traces and evidence destruction.

Also, a critical look at the composition of the so called “Army Investigative Panel” has further exposed the dubious and devious intents of the authorities of the Nigerian Army headed by Lt Gen Tukur Yusuf Buratai. The composition under reference is a total replica of the present gross lopsidedness in the Nigerian Army; which is patently Jihadist or Islamism friendly.
Shockingly too, the same Nigerian Army that says it wants to investigate the conduct atrocities of its personnel including the mass killing of Pro Biafra Campaigners of Southeast and South-south extractions has no single serving or retired army officers from the two areas; particularly from the Southeast as members of its so called “Special Military Panel”.

For the avoidance of doubt, the names of members of the kangaroo panel are: Major Gen Ahmed Tijani Jibrin, rtd (chairman), Brigadier General Dadan Garba, rtd; Brigadier General Abdulqadir Guide, rtd; Brigadier General O. Olayinka; Col. L. B. Mohamme; Col. UM Wambai ;Mr Olawole Fapohunda and Lt. Col. CM Akaliro, who is the panel’s secretary. The composition is not only ethnically sectional, but utterly Muslim and military dominated. It also has cabalistic outlook. It has no iota of regards for the individual and group victims as well as the generality of Nigerians.

Another glaring dubious intent associated with the so called “Army Special Panel” is its restricted terms of reference; such as “not revisiting areas covered by State Governments and the National Human Rights Commission”. That is to say that the kangaroo panel will not look into the mass killing of over 1000 unarmed and defenseless members of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria. Strong attempts have been made by the Federal Government of Nigeria through the Kaduna State Government and leprous National Human Rights Commission to exonerate the Nigerian Army and its lead-perpetrators including COAS Lt Gen Tukur Buratai from the Zaria butchery. The link to the Army statement, announcing the setting up of the kangaroo Special Military Panel is here: http://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/03/army-sets-panel-investigate-alleged-ex-judicial-killings-rights-violations-personnel/


As if these were not enough, the COAS, Lt Gen Tukur Buratai and his Nigerian Army have the audacity to criminalize and stigmatize the 240 unarmed and defenseless civilians including 29 children aged between new born and five years that died in its Giwa Military Barracks custody in 2016; by referring to them as “arrested Boko Haram terrorists”; yet they want to “investigate allegations of extra judicial killings, etc, involving Nigerian Military”.

 We, therefore, make bold to say that the so called “Special Military Panel” totally lacks constitutional contents, moral compass, acceptability and credibility to look into the widespread rights abuses perpetrated against the Federation of Nigeria, the Constitution and innocent and defenseless citizens of the country. Addressing the abuses is far beyond the scope, capacity and capability of the lopsidedly composed Nigerian Army of present time.


Consequently, we strongly recommend as follows:
a.     If the present Federal Government of Nigeria is repentantly and remorsefully concerned over its current atrocious human rights records; by way of redressing them and avoidance of international criminal justice wrath (i.e. vide principles of complementarity and no impunity); then there shall a matching order to the Attorney General of the Federation and the Office of the Inspector General of Police by the Federal Executive Council (FEC) to constitute a high powered Special Criminal Investigation Team into gross rights abuses committed by State agents as contained in the Amnesty International Report and reports of other notable rights groups and victim groups and individuals.

b.    The composition of such Special Criminal Investigation Team shall be expertly headed by Office of Police DIG in-charge of Criminal Investigations and; composed of  representatives of Directorate of Military Intelligence, Military Police, State Security Service, National Intelligence Agency and their legal departments as well as office of the Attorney General of the Federation. The investigative personnel so chosen who must be serving members of the Nigerian Armed Forces and the Police; must be drawn from all the six geopolitical zones of Nigeria.

c.     The draft composition of the Special Criminal Investigation shall be prepared by the Attorney General of the Federation and taken to the Federal Executive Council for amendment, modifications and ratification.

d.    After ratification, the FEC shall make same public and its scope of criminal investigation shall mandatorily include: killings perpetrated by Army and other security personnel in time and areas of peace or areas not under insurgency; otherwise called crimes against humanity; mass killing of unarmed and defenseless members of an ethnic or religious group particularly in non war situations; otherwise called genocide; and killing or death in military or security custody of civilians or non combatants in areas of conflict (such as Giwa Military Barracks custodial deaths that killed 240 civilians including 29 children aged between new born and five years; and the Rann IDP bombing that killed not less than 236 civilians), otherwise called war crimes.

e.     The Special Criminal Investigation Team must also embark on visitations to crime victims and group-victims as well as crime scenes. Administrative invitations with associated threats and intimidations to individual and group victims and their advocates as well as all forms of arm-chair syndromes shall be discouraged and prohibited by the Special Criminal Investigation Team.

f.     At the conclusion of the Special Criminal Investigations, reports shall be issued and approved by FEC; after which those indicted shall be diligently prosecuted by the AGF, in accordance with Section 174 (1) of the Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution; while those indicted for war crimes (i.e. death of 240 civilians including 29 children aged between new born and five years; as well as the Rann IDP killing of 236 civilians) and genocide (i.e. killing of Pro Biafra Campaigners and Shiite Muslims) shall either be tried locally or handed over to ICC for  further international investigation and prosecution).

g.    There shall be set up separately by the present Federal Government of Nigeria a Special Judicial Commission of Enquiry to ascertain as follows: (i) the roles of top security personnel such as immediate past IGP and his successor as well as the current Chief of Army Staff, the National Security Adviser, the Chief of Defense Staff, the Chief of Air Staff and the Minister of Interior in the referenced killings perpetrated by security personnel; (ii) those responsible for the massacre of Christians by the Nomad Fulani Jihadists (this is because till date the Federal Government of Nigeria has not declared the violent activities of same as armed rebellion or insurgency);  and (iii) the identities of slain victims of Shiite Muslims, Pro Biafra Campaigners and Christian activists killed by Government security operatives and the Nomad Fulani Jihadists.

h.     The Special Judicial Commission of Enquiry shall be constituted by the Office of the AGF and approved by FEC. It shall have representatives drawn from (1) Amnesty International, (2) Nigerian Rights Groups including those based in the Southeast Zone; (3) the Federal Government of Nigeria bearing in mind its federal character; (4) Nigerian Armed Forces and Police; (5) Nigerian Bar Association; (6) the Catholic Secretariat of Nigeria and its Kafanchan Archdiocese; (7) the ECWA Church; (8) the Christian Association of Nigeria including the PFN; (9) relevant Muslim groups; (10) the Islamic Movement of Nigeria; (11) the Indigenous People of Biafra; (12) Nigerian Union of Journalists, (13)  etc.


i.      The Special Judicial Commission of Enquiry shall come out with three major recommendations: (1) punitive and administrative reprimands, such as dismissal or sack of those public office holders found culpable-vicariously and individually; as well as their criminal prosecution; (2) proscription of violent groups found culpable and criminal prosecution of its principal officers and foot perpetrators; and (3) adequate compensation of the individual and group victims of State killings as well as those killed by the Nomad Fulani Jihadists.

j.      Adequate and well publicized State apologies and constitution of the National Sorry Day for those killed outside the law in Nigeria.

Signed:
For: International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law (Intersociety)
·         Emeka Umeagbalasi, Board Chairman
 Mobile Line: +2348174090052

·          Obianuju Joy Igboeli, Esq., LLB, BL
Head, Civil Liberties & Rule of Law Program
Mobile Line: + 2348180771506

·         Ndidiamaka C. Bernard, Esq., LLB, BL
Head, Int’l Justice & Human Rights Program
Mobile Line: +2348067557308


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Biafra News Team Tuesday, 7 March 2017 0


(Intersociety, Onitsha Nigeria: 7th March 2017)-Nigeria’s Government chains of negative reaction to the recent Report of Amnesty International are internationally culpable, sadistic, murderous, remorseless, baseless and lawless. The referenced chains of negative reaction from the present Government of Nigeria headed by ailing President Muhammadu Buhari including threats, name calling, campaigns of calumny and false denials; are also grossly inadmissible and unscientific, going by the modern principles of social science research and findings.

In both natural and social science research or investigation and their findings; for same to be credibly and acceptably disputed by another or opposite or accused view; they must be backed up with counter findings derived from detailed and facts laden counter research or investigation and its findings.
Staying in the comfort of a public office or media program and dishing out scornful and condemnable statements or launching of illogical verbal attacks are grossly insufficient to counter years or months-long forensic and eagle-eyed investigation grounded in modern local and international laws and norms and backed with basket-load of pictorial, video, paper and other material evidence credibly derived from or linked to the crime scenes, crime perpetrators and crime victims.

In the said chains of negative reaction by the Government of Nigeria, no counter facts and findings were presented or made to credibly dispute those of Amnesty International. No single evidence has been provided by same till date to back up its hilarious and watery claims that the IMN and IPOB/Pro Biafra Campaigners were “violent groups (i.e. armed opposition groups or armed insurgencies)”.
Most, if not all the Reports of Amnesty International on Nigeria particularly the ones on mass murder of over 1000 and hundreds of unarmed and defenceless members of IMN and IPOB/Pro Biafra Campaigns as well as its recent community report on Nigeria for 2016/7; are all irrefutable and laden with unassailable findings. The AI Reports under reference are also legally admissible locally and internationally.

The referenced AI Reports have totally survived the illogical, empty and false denials as well as technical escapism, criminalization and re-criminalization of the present Government of Nigeria. Very importantly, the AI Reports are solidly grounded in the famous Eights Key Modes or Features of Academic Discourse/Research or Investigative Findings; which are (1) Debate, (2) Scholarship, (3) Argument, (4) Criticism, (5) Analysis, (6) Evidence, (7) Objectivity and (8) Precision.
Since the issuance of various reports by Amnesty International on various forms of regime atrocities or widespread rights abuses by the present Administration of Muhammadu Buhari, there have been chains of negative reactions founded on gross false denials, threats, repeat-atrocities, acculturated impunity and campaigns of calumny against the issuing groups (i.e. AI).

There have also been nocturnal attempts by the Govt. to frustrate or stop the issuing groups from issuance of their referenced Reports. These presidential and its security pressures have to a large extent forced another internationally respected rights group-Human Rights Watch research team on Nigeria to be ill-responsive to raging widespread rights abuses in Nigeria. This is substantially on account of the fact that its Nigerian Research Team is headed by a Nigerian of Southwest extraction.
For the avoidance of doubt, one of the panicky, despicable and condemnable chains of Nigerian Government’s negative reaction is contained in the link below: http://europe.newsweek.com/biafra-nigeria-amnesty-international-denies-allegations-killings-564298?rm=eu
In its latest reaction, issued by the Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs, dated Saturday, 4th March 2017, the Federal Government of Nigeria, among other things, not only admitted killing of  hundreds of unarmed and defenceless members of IMN and IPOB/Pro Biafra Self Determination Campaigns; but also alluded that it killed them based on mere suspicion that “they constitute threats to national stability, unity and security”.

It further equated IMN and Pro Biafra Campaigners with dreaded Boko Haram insurgents and tagged street protests/processions embarked upon by the former as “insurgency/armed rebellion”. These have clearly confirmed our earlier position that the Buhari Administration had issued and placed a presidential death code on the head of every member or supporter of unarmed and defenceless IMN and IPOB/Pro Biafra Campaign; and amnestied Boko Haram and Nomad Fulani Jihadists. The referenced admissible and culpable statement of the Federal Government of Nigeria is very strong in legal and social contexts and enough to hold it and its chief perpetrators to account whether at local, regional or international levels.


On accusation levelled against Amnesty International by the Buhari Government that “it is meddling into the internal and security affairs of Nigeria”; it further exposes the Nigerian Government as a modern government that has literally chosen the path of primitivism and Stone Age. This Government of the Stone Age must be made to understand that totalitarian sovereignty is dead and buried long ago; and that the modern trend in sovereignty lies in the mandatory confines of citizens’ sovereignty or sovereignty as a responsibility.

That is to say that where there are people, there is human rights; to the extent that the current world population of Stateless persons of 10million are mandatorily governed by human rights laws and norms. The defence of territorial sovereignty recklessly used by murderous and lawless political territories to massacre their innocent and unarmed nationals has long been out-fashioned and nailed in the coffin under the UN System. A Political Territory loses its territorial sovereignty rights the moment it is empirically found by the UN or a globally recognized non State actor (i.e. Amnesty International) that such Political Territory is engulfed by complex humanitarian emergencies or widespread rights violations or human rights abuses of alarming proportions.

In all, human rights are indivisible and indissoluble and transcend boundaries, races, colours, genders, ages, religions, tribes, politics, military, as well as wicked and hash political, territorial, economic and ethno-religious policies and sentiments. The activities of Amnesty International are well founded and borderless and they cut across the entire 193-Member States of UN and some 45 other non independent and trusteeship territories of the world.

Mass killing of unarmed and defenceless citizens based on sentiments, sheer ethno-religious hatred and mere suspicion of “likelihood of constituting threats to national security, stability and unity” has serious repercussions under the UN Socio-Legal system. Even in war situations, it is abominable and reprehensible to kill non combatants or attack non-military necessity  including refugee camps, holy places of worship and  other civilian settlements; not to talk of mass killing of unarmed and defenceless citizens on account of their embarkation on socio-religious protests and processions.

Consequently, we gladly wish to commend the authorities of Amnesty International, UK for their courage, sagacity and empiricism; not minding orchestrated and coordinated campaigns of calumny against it by the Government of Nigeria and its hired agents including leprous Civil Society Organizations. Beyond issuance of such damning reports, the internationally respected rights body should go a step further by using its vast global contacts and goodwill to ensure that those who perpetrated the heinous crimes under referenced in Nigeria or any part thereof are brought to local, regional or international criminal and compensatory justice.

Signed:
For: International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law (Intersociety)
Emeka Umeagbalasi, Board Chairman
Mobile Line: +2348174090052
Email: emekaumeagbalasi69@gmail.com
Website: intersociety-ng.org
Obianuju Igboeli, Esq.
Head, Civil Liberties & Rule of Law Program
Mobile Line: +2348180771506
Chinwe Umeche, Esq.
Head, Democracy & Good Governance Program
Mobile Line: +2347013238673
Ndidiamaka C. Bernard, Esq.
Head, Int’l Justice & Human Rights Program
Mobile Line: +23430821493
     

 


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Biafra News Team Friday, 3 March 2017 0

(Intersociety, Onitsha Nigeria: 3rd March 2017)-First of all, we make bold to say that the dismissal of six count charges out of the eleven charges as contained in a judgment delivered yesterday, being 2nd March 2017 by the Abuja Division of the Federal Court, presided over by Hon Justice Binta Murtala Nyako was totally correct; though it was grossly belated. The entire eleven spurious and persecutorial charges levelled against Citizens Nnamdi Kanu, Dave Nwawuisi, Ben Madubugwu and Chidiebere Onwudiwe should have been dismissed in totality.

Though the dismissal is long overdue and long expected but it is legally and constitutionally grounded. It is a victory for the Fundamental Human Rights provisions in Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution and their counterparts in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenants on Civil & Political Rights and Economic, Social & Cultural Rights as well as the  African Charter on Human & Peoples Rights. It must be pointed out that matters involving human rights transcend all the boundaries of all regions of the world without hindrances and restrictions.

Other victors of the dismissed spurious charges are the pacifist and nonviolent Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and its global and local leaders especially Citizen Nnamdi Kanu (POC); the conscientious segment of the Nigerian media; international leading rights groups like Amnesty International; local leading rights groups like Intersociety and Southeast Based Coalition of Human Rights Organizations; other respected Igbo groups and individuals residing locally and internationally; and the entire Igbo Race and Southern Nationalities.

Conversely, the worst losers following the long overdue judgment are the Nigerian Army and its COAS, Lt Gen Turkur Yusuf Buratai; ailing President Muhammadu Buhari and the SSS and its DG, Alhaji Musa Daura. Other losers are the Nigeria Police Force and its incumbent and immediate past IGPs, Alhaji Ibrahim Kpotum Idris and Solomon Arase; treacherous and rotten Igbo politicians; to mention but a few.

It is recalled that Hon Justice Binta Nyako had in her judgment dismissed six out of eleven spurious and persecutorial charges leveled against Citizen Nnamdi Kanu and ors. That is to say that the Hon Pre-trial Court held that: (1) owing to want or lack of evidence before it from the prosecuting body (i.e. AGF/SSS); IPOB is not an illegal or unlawful society/organization and the defendants do not belong to an illegal or unlawful society/organization; (2) that the defendants do not own and manage or operate unlawful or illegal society/organization; (3) that the claims by the prosecution that the defendants are researching how to make improvised explosive devices (IEDs) cannot hold waters, because there was no proof that they were doing it; (4) that there was no evidence before the Court showing that the importation of radio transmission equipment was illegal and contravened the Custom & Excise Act of 2004. It is also important to note that the eleven spurious charges were repeated or duplicated in some areas. 

For the avoidance of doubt the entire nine watery and spurious count charges, duplicated into eleven count charges are: count one: conspiracy to commit treasonable felony; in which Nnamdi Kanu, Ben Madubugwu, Dave Nwawuisi and Chidiebere Onwudiwe were accused of using the Radio Biafra  London in diverse dates in 2014 and 2015 to campaign for the independence of Biafra; count two: treasonable felony by using Radio Biafra for the same purpose; count three: managing an unlawful society by forming the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) around 2012; count four: publication of defamatory materials/matter on 28th April 2015 against President Muhammadu Buhari; count five: improper importation of goods contrary to Section 47 (1) (a) (i) of the Custom & Excise Management Act of 2004.

Others are: count six: improper importation of goods contrary to Section 47 (2) (a) of the Custom & Excise Management Act 2004; count seven: management of an unlawful society by keeping a large container housing a Radio Transmitter in Ubuluisiuzor (Ihiala LGA) per  Ben Madubugwu known as TRAM 50L; count eight: illegal possession of firearms (two pump action guns) by Ben Madubugwu, said to be contrary to Section 27 (b) (i) of the Firearms Act 2004; count nine: conspiracy to commit treasonable felony per Chidiebere Onwudiwe and Dave Nwawuisi by installing Radio Biafra Transmitters along Ogui Road in Enugu; and count ten: terrorism per Chidibere Onwudiwe, said to be contrary to Section 2 (1) (a) of the Terrorism (Prevention (Amendment) Act of 2013; by “being caught committing an act preparatory to act of terrorism by researching for the purpose of identifying and gathering of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) making materials to be used against Nigerian security forces”.


It is very striking to note that nowhere in the entire nine charges or duplicated eleven count charges was the defendants or IPOB linked with armed rebellion or caught with evidence as armed opposition group with defined war boundaries, weaponry and records of human and material casualties or destructions. Another important fact to note is that President Muhammadu Buhari became the President of Nigeria on 29th May 2015 and cannot therefore seek legal remedies for an alleged defamatory publication that took place on 28th April 2015 (see count four of the charges). The Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution also prohibits criminalization of acts/conducts in retrospect or by way of retroactive criminality. See Section 36 (8) & (12) of Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution.

Consequently, the following critical and unresolved questions have arisen from Hon Justice Binta Nyako’s selective dismissal of six charges and sustaining of five controversial others. Our first critical question is: (1) on what ground is the charge of terrorism retained in the spurious charges since the same Court held that “there is no evidence showing that Citizen Chidiebere Onwudiwe was caught in Enugu around June 2015 committing an act preparatory to act of terrorism by researching for the purpose of identifying and gathering of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) making materials to be used against Nigerian security forces”. See count eleven, which originally is count nine of the spurious charges.

Our second critical question is: how come count four is retained for trial when it is clear to every Tom, Dick and Harry that President Muhammadu Buhari was a mere president-elect as at 28th April 2015 when the prosecutors claimed he was injured by a defamatory publication that took place on 28th April 2015 per Nnamdi Kanu and his Radio Biafra London; whereas he was sworn in as President of Nigeria as from 29th May 2015?

Our third critical question is: if in the judicial notice and opinion of Hon Justice Binta Murtala Nyako and her honourable Federal Court; IPOB is not an unlawful or illegal organization/society and its leaders led by Nnamdi Kanu (POC) are not managing or operating an illegal or unlawful society/organization per IPOB; how come the same Honourable Court approved the trial of the same citizens and their group for offences of conspiracy to commit treasonable felony, treasonable felony and terrorism?

Our fourth critical question is: when have democratic free speeches by way of radio transmission and communications with total absence of force of arms or armed rebellion or insurgency or insurrection or terrorism; translate to intent or act to violently overthrow the present Government of Nigeria? How many Boko Haram and Nomad Fulani Jihadists have been arrested and standing trials for offences of treason, treasonable felony and terrorism?

Our reasons for pointing out the forgoing with accompanying critical questions are for all Nigerians and members of the international community to take note of how the law abiding citizens are being pursued, hunted, hounded, tortured, killed and persecuted in Nigeria; while the lawless ones are being protected, amnestied and presidentially cuddled and rewarded. They are also for defensive and legal notice of the legal team of Citizen Nnamdi Kanu (POC) and ors so as to get the entire spurious charges quashed judicially by the same Pre-Trial Court or the Appellate or the Apex Court without further delays.

Signed:
For: International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law (Intersociety)
Emeka Umeagbalasi, Board Chairman
Mobile Line: +2348174090052
Email: emekaumeagbalasi69@gmail.com
Website: intersociety-ng.org
Obianuju Joy Igboeli, Esq.
Head, Civil Liberties & Rule of Law Program
Mobile Line: +2348180771506




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Biafra News Team Sunday, 29 January 2017 0
January 29, 2017


Public Enlightenment Series

THE HYPOCRISY IN SSS INVITATION TO APOSTLE JOHNSON SULEIMAN WHILE LEAVING OUT ZAHRA BUHARI, SULTAN OF SOKOTO, AND NASIR EL RUFAI.

The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) have viewed with disdain and as an act of hypocrisy, the invitation of Apostle Johnson Suleiman to State Security Services (SSS) Headquarters in Abuja on Monday, January 30th, 2017 by 10 am. The SSS who unilaterally and illegally assumed the name “Department of State Services (DSS),“ has invited Apostle Suleiman because he advised members of his church to exercise their UN-approved and inalienable fundamental human right of self-defence if attacked by Islamic terrorists. It is worthy to note that this invitation by the SSS came after the Sultan of Sokoto, Alhaji Sa’ad Abubakar III, called for the arrest of Apostle Suleiman. 
We recall that in 2016, Weeklypostng.com reported a message from Zahra Buhari, then 21years old and daughter of Muhammadu Buhari, in which she stated as follows: “killing will keep going on, muslims who donts (sic) want to adhere to Muslims rules will be killed, christians will die until they turn muslims, biafrans is just a say (sic) dream, politcal oppositions must follow my daadys (sic) rule.“ We also recall that in 2016, the Sultan of Sokoto ordered Muslims in Nigeria to fight anyone trying to stop them practising Islam without giving details of what he meant by “trying to stop them.“
In a tweet in 2012, Mallam Nasir El Rufai stated as follows: “We will write this for all to read. Anyone, soldier or not, that kills the Fulani takes a loan repayable one day no matter how long it takes.“ We further remind the world that the public relations officer of Southern Kaduna Peoples Union (SOKAPU),  Mr Yakubu Kuzamani, accused Mallam Nasir El Rufai of engaging in hate speech while El Rufai was speaking on an Aljazeera Television programme on Tuesday, 17th of January, 2017.

In all these three examples, the common thread is hate speech and incitement of Muslims against non-Muslims. But in all the three, none of the perpetrators of the hate speeches has been invited by the SSS. Then, why is Apostle Johnson Suleiman being singled out for investigation by the SSS? Why did the SSS not invite Zahra Buhari (now Mrs Zahra Indimi) for her hate speech? Why did the SSS not invite Alhaji Sa’ad Abubakar  III, Sultan of Sokoto, for his hateful and inciting speech? Why has the SSS not invited Mallam Nasir El Rufai for his hate speech that was even announced by SOKAPU?
We are appalled that the National Assembly of Nigeria has not called the SSS to order as they engender tyranny and religious bigotry. Why will the National Assembly keep quiet as the SSS allow those with Islamic linkage to freely dish out hate speeches and incitements to commit violence while inviting Christians like Apostle Johnson Suleiman who resort to universally-acclaimed rights to self-defence? The indifference by Nigeria’s National Assembly is a key reason why Africa, in general, and the black race, in particular, are underdeveloped and filled with dictators and life-presidents.
It is also very worrisome that Theresa May and her British Government do not see anything wrong with the current persecution of Christians in Nigeria. This is the same Theresa May who spoke through Boris Johnson to plead for Christians implicated in the failed coup in Turkey. We also remind the world that it was the British that brought Anglicanism to Nigeria but is now working with Moslems to exterminate Christians. We also recall that Catholicism came from Rome (Italy), Pentecostalism and Baptist Mission came from the USA,  the Lutheran church came from Germany, and Presbyterian and Methodist missions came from Scotland. These countries have their Embassies/Missions in Nigeria but have all kept silent as Muslims go on a rampage against Christians, now culminating in the invitation of Apostle Johnson Suleiman to SSS Headquarters in Abuja for questioning and possible long-time detention.

With the silence of these countries, we are bound to ask if they are only interested in the money they make from church members in Christendom in Nigeria. Why must Muslims be the only people with the unfettered license to hate speech and violence?  Why is the British Government so intensely glued to Islam and highly supportive of their violent ways? What is is it in Islam that the British Government enjoys that they are always supporting Islamic countries but working against existing Judeo-Christian nations or those agitating for their nations such the  Biafrans? Why is the British Government so much in love and in bed with Islam and radical Islamism? Why will the  British Government, a supposedly Christian faith based Government, keep quiet and watch Apostle Johnson Suleiman railroaded into the SSS detention cell, come Monday, January 30th, 2017?
The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) call upon humanity to prevail upon the British Government, who we all know dictate what happens in Nigeria, to stop their anti-Christian behaviour towards Christians in Nigeria and that they should request the SSS to call off the planned questioning and detention of Apostle Johnson Suleiman. If there are people that should be invited by the SSS with a view to questioning and detention for hate speeches, they are Zahra Buhari-Indimi, Sultan of Sokoto (Alhaji Sa’ad Abubakar III), and Mallam Nasir El Rufai. Doing otherwise is pure hypocrisy.

Analysis by:
Barrister Emma Nmezu       
Dr Clifford Chukwuemeka Iroanya

Spokespersons for IPOB
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